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Answering the inevitable question on Russia

A lot of people have trouble with my placing Russia inside the Core, much like with China. Its one-party political system, even with the embrace of markets and economic connectivity with the outside world, makes it suspect. Plus there have been all the attempts, some subtle and others not so subtle, to recreate spheres of influence: failing throughout east central Europe, losing out to Western interventions in the Balkans, losing out completely in the Baltics, engaging in a lot of bloody mischief in the Caucasus over the years (including overt support to the two breakaway regions in Georgia), the long-term fight to prevent Chechen independence, and the softer-power push in Central Asia. Basically, the Russians have been going back in time, retracing their imperial growth to the point that they're back to fighting over the bits and pieces tsars once conquered many decades ago.

In sum total, none of this has raised much of a response from the West, because Russia's given up region after region and it's been only recently that the West's integration efforts have gotten inside Russia's tsarist "knickers," so to speak (Ukraine, Georgia considering NATO membership). NATO, being cognizant of where efforts to integrate Russia were stalling, wisely passed on membership for Georgia recently, knowing that the attempt really pissed off Moscow.

You have to suspect that Russia's strong response to Georgia's bold effort to subdue South Ossetia militarily is designed to signal something profound to the West on this overall score.

In effect, Russia has largely acquiesced to all sorts of Western "encroachment" (from their perspective, and let's be honest, that's basically what it is in terms of economic, political and security integration of former satellites and republics) since the end of the Cold War, but now with Moscow feeling a serious resurgence, we're getting into different territory in our relationship--meaning Russia will push back.

The knee jerk here is simply to say, "Let's re-engage in a Cold War-like standoff!" But that's a problematic approach for a number of reasons.

First is the economic connectivity that has ensued in the meantime. Then there's the energy bonds. Finally, there's the lack of enough strategic justification. Georgia going after South Ossetia and Russia retaliating isn't going to elicit a strong response from the West because the West really isn't interested in owning the Caucasus strategically. It's beyond NATO's vision for now, and the U.S. is tied up elsewhere. Russia might acquiesce to Chinese and Turkish economic penetration throughout Central Asia, but with the Caucasus, there you're getting into some old stuff as far as the Russian empire is concerned.

But clearly Russia's transgressing the advanced-country norms, not even bothering to make an international case here (which we always do before invading anybody). This is more like Britain and Argentina going at it over the Falklands: outsiders look at it in amazement, wondering what all the fuss is about, while the participants fight over the "olive tree" grove like divorced parents squabbling over a child's custody (i.e., we simply don't "get" the history--which is long and ugly). We don't expect either a Britain or Argentina to behave like that, so the U.S. tries to smooth things over.

I would expect a similar approach here.

Why not just go ape-shit on Moscow and resurrect all sorts of confrontation?

Again, with the world moving as it is, and everything else on our plate, that just seems like a bad choice. Russia's too much in the club (or Core, as I call it) to make such a divorce anything but highly disruptive to too many economic and investment and network interests, and therein lies my basic position on Russia belonging to the Core. Until it transgresses enough to resurrect itself as a credible direct-threat scenario (meaning we have a reasonable anticipation of possible direct war with Russia), we--along with the rest of the Core--are going to finesse this situation.

Being in the Core doesn't mean never going to war, especially against Gap nations. Indeed, my whole point in making the original delineation was to point out that while intra-Core war becomes an increasingly distant possibility, wars inside the Gap by Core nations will be anything but. Just look at our record since the end of the Cold War.

The notion of the Core doesn't presuppose that only America will have permission to do this sort of thing unilaterally. In fact, in both my books, I cited the danger of other Core powers starting to replicate our example if we weren't careful about embedding our own interventions within an acceptable A-to-Z rule set that the Core as a whole could sign up for, meaning we'd eventually see other Core great powers launching their own efforts inside the Gap--according to their own rules and agendas. To some extent, Russia's kinetic version is as challenging as China's non-kinetic version--say--in Africa.

But make no mistake: the longer the U.S. gives off the vibe that it's a "dangerous chaotic world" where Core great powers do what they must to protect their interests, the more we will see this sort of behavior. If I'm Russia, and I've been watching imperious Washington this past two decades, I feel wholly within my rights in my own neighborhood, because those Americans certainly show themselves to take advantage or do what they feel they must in places all over the world but especially in their own backyard.

Again, this is where the strategic vision "thing" or the lack thereof really hurts. We go off on a strategic bender after 9/11 and start remaking the Middle East as we see fit and we can't expect every other Core great power to simply stand by and see what happens. We set the example, we model the behavior, and we eschew the larger schemes of cooperation as "naive" or "too compromising" or "too distasteful" because "those regimes" aren't democracies like we are, and we're going to find ourselves battling alternative great-power rule sets, which--in effect--Russia is proposing right now regarding the Caucasus.

Again, you can say, "Who the hell are these guys!" But a lot of the world says the same about us regarding Southwest Asia (the Middle East)--a place a lot more important strategically to the entire world than the Caucasus. So go easy on that one.

Also go easy on wanting to ramp up strategic conflict with Russia. It's certainly a familiar emotion for a lot of us over 40, but you have to ask yourself, "Where are we going with this, given everything else we're trying to achieve right now?"

Admittedly, Russia does enough bad stuff and Moscow can certainly get itself right back on top of our strategic planning pile, but we're a long ways from that and I don't anticipate that being the ultimate message that Putin seeks to send here.

Instead, we're going to have to figure out something a whole lot more sophisticated than simply resurrecting the Cold War plot line.

So please, no emails asking me to toss Russia officially out of the Core. My most base definition of membership in the Core is that I consider it extremely unlikely that the United States will ever go to war with that nation, or that the nation in question will ever go to war with a fellow Core state. Russia and Georgia dusting it up over breakaway bits that lie between them isn't enough for me to revise that opinion. Hell, that's my very definition of the Seam in many ways--the tumultuous line between who's in and who's out in terms of plausible war scenarios involving the U.S.

Again, Russia can certainly do enough to change that status, but I don't see that happening as part of this current conflict. Instead I see a negotiating ploy, delivered at a point in time that accurately reflects the state of Russia's uncomfortable fit with the Old Core.

This is where we've let things go, or what our many choices have come to regarding a Russia that's obviously on the great power upswing. The easiest thing is to reach for old images, but I don't think we'll get what we want by doing that, because I don't think most Americans realize how we've jeopardized our own Core status in the eyes of many people around this world these past eight years.

And I gotta admit, it saddens me to say that.

But don't freak out. We're in the doldrums of a very premature post-presidency with Bush, meaning he's been a lame-duck now for a long time (since Katrina, really), so the disrespect we feel right now is about as bad as it will get (from the Chavezes and Ahmadinejads and the Mugabes and the like). Bush himself has begun the correction, suing for peace in all directions and turning over our wars to the generals, but we can't be too surprised to see some opening bids from rising great powers regarding the next hand of poker to begin 20 January.

In fact, from their view, this is the perfect time to be delivering them.

Comments (9)

So which presidential candidate will come on TV singing "Georgia On My Mind?"

But seriously (Lou said) we need to understand the residual paranoia in Russian society and political communities to understand Putin's pressures and his resultant methods. Stalin understood, and exploited that aspect of Russia to gain power. The paranoia did not end with Cold War.

The paranoia developed over hundreds of years of invasion and exploitation by 'neighbors' and regional invaders. Russians wanted to control Central Asia and establish a European barrier between itself and the Western Core of their time ... even as Russia negotiated to become a 'partner' (not member) with it. George Kennan was the first notable authority to recognize the paranoia problem and our long run 'balanced' Cold War approach resulted from Kennan's analysis. It remained in play though the Ford administration era.

The new kids on the block need to read the old stuff and talk to the few foreign policy folks left of that Cold War period.

Even though Russia is a special and extremely important example of paranoia in an emerging new core nation, there were similar situations in Germany and Japan that were exploited by extremists, especially when the core members of the time decided to use the new guys as tools rather than watch how their people were reacting to the evolving social, economic and political order.

Now let's all sing!

You knew the world had changed when Treasury Secretary Paulsen went to Moscow and asked PM Putin to make investments from Russia's sovereign wealth fund in the US.

It changed a bit more this Saturday.

New Core states like Russia or India differ from Old Core states like Britain or Sweden the way "New money" differs from " Old money". :)

I don't have a problem with Russia being part of the core, I'm just not comfortable with the Russian way to shrink the gap. This is assimilation without economics.

I get the impression this could set a precedent that impacts the system, a precedent that gets compounded by our weaknesses, and a maneuver we will see again.

"Also go easy on wanting to ramp up strategic conflict with Russia. It's certainly a familiar emotion for a lot of us over 40, but you have to ask yourself, "Where are we going with this, given everything else we're trying to achieve right now?"

Tom - could you send that to Ralph Peters ?

A couple of thoughts:
1. Imagine if Georgia were part of NATO? We would then be faced with the prospect of either, (a) having NATO revealed as a paper tiger, or (b) having the US become involved in a major conflict directly with Russia, which wouldn't happen anyway, so you'd be left with (a) as the inevitable outcome. Putin may have done the West a favor by pushing this now, sending the message that US/League of Democracies should understand the limits of their military reach.
2. Major problem of 21st Century is fake states - in Africa, Middle East, and former Soviet Union. As TPMB points out, the former Soviet republics are mostly fake states because Stalin drew their boundaries and relocated populations to serve his interests. Since the old boundaries remained intact after the fall of the SU, it is almost inevitable that this is going to lead to conflicts in the years ahead.
3. The lesson: Economic integration is more important than political change. If Scotland or Flanders want to secede, it's not going to set off an international conflict. The goal is to get to the point where the borders of fake states in the rest of the world can be adjusted in similarly peaceful ways. Russia could actually be helpful in making this happen, if we can get beyond the Cold War mentality that sees any Russian display of military strength as a danger to us.

Galrahn's point is well made.

Thus we must ask ourselves this question: Can dependence upon globalization/connectivity be an untenable liability to members of the Old Core, in that it can be used as a weapon by certain New Core states, to hold the Old Core hostage and to render it docile and impotent, to the designs -- geopolitical or other -- of these rising and/or resurgent great powers?

Tom & fans,

Beautiful Georgia sits astride the Baku-Black Sea oil pipeline, a brand new feat of connectivity for Tibilisi, as well as the geographically stranded Caspian basin. Russia fought this routing, in favor of an unprofitable serpentine route thru their territory.

Sure, don't panic and make things worse. But tanks rolling over the independence of several countries in mid-transfer from the Gap, that ought to raise Core blood pressures just a little.

Here is an idea to beat (or beat up on), from my small understanding of connectivity therapy.

Ukraine and Azerbaijan are the obvious secondary targets for Putin's revanchist (even criminal) neo-KGB ambitions in the Caucusus. Ukraine has shown some starch by early suggestion that Russia's Black Sea attack into Georgia has breached their mutual Ukraine SOFA, and that Ukrainian sovereignty is within its rights to expel and refuse return to shared basing of Russian fleet and forces used for conquering Georgia.

It seems to me that we could support Ukraine, and send a 'still here, keep the faith' message to Baku, by mounting a squadron strength port visit to Ukraine, and talking about monitoring international rights to access Georgia's coastline.

In the language of my parents church, we can offer to bear witness on the Bear, to unilaterally record (radio, radar, unarmed drone?) what is going on, using our 'department of OOTW' assets in the E. Mediteranian. A port presence could tend to be a tripwire restraint, and could also establish forward facts and assets in favor of formal international cease-fire monitoring. When the Russians object to a provocative US fleet presence, we say 'fine, quit blocking UN peacekeepers, and we'll pull back a step, while your armored division stands down'.

Pls kick it around, as to upside/downside risks.

I must be missing something -- why is Georgia a Gap state, and why is Russia a Core state? Given both countries' current politics and economics, it would seem they should be in the same category. If so, would this qualify as core-core violence, or gap-gap?

Or is it easier to go Wallerstein on this and call it a clash of two semi-periphery states?

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